WHERE IS
THE SEQUESTER BOMB?
ALL WEEK LONG WE WERE TOLD IT WAS
A-COMING, LOOK OUT!
KILLER BARRY O BLAMED REPUBLICANS IN THE SENATE YESTERDAY -- REPUBLICANS IN THE SENATE THAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY CONTROLS.
KILLER BARRY
AGAIN PLAYED KICK THE CAN -- AT A TIME WHEN SOME WERE THINKING
HE MIGHT FINALLY SHOW SOME LEADERSHIP.
FROM THE TCI WIRE:
Medina Roshan, Barbara Goldberg, Paul Simao and Tim Dobbyn (Reuters) report,
"The U.S. Army private accused of providing secret documents to the
WikiLeaks website pleaded guilty on Thursday to misusing classified
material he felt 'should become public,' but denied the top charge of
aiding the enemy." He has now been held by the US government for 1005
days.
Janet Reitman (Rolling Stone) explains, "It was only the second time Manning had spoken in court (the first, in
November 2012, I detail extensively in my article) and the first time he
was allowed to explain his motives. Dressed in his Navy blue Army dress
uniform, Manning, in a clear, strong voice, read out a 35-page-long
statement in which he described himself as a conscience-stricken young
man who, appalled by what he saw as illegal acts on the part of the U.S.
in Iraq and Afghanistan, refused to play along."
This all goes back to
Monday April 5,
2010, when
WikiLeaks released US
military video of a July 12, 2007 assault in Iraq. 12 people were
killed in the assault including two
Reuters journalists Namie Noor-Eldeen and
Saeed Chmagh.
Monday June 7,
2010, the US military announced that they had arrested Bradley
Manning and he stood accused of being the leaker of the video.
Leila Fadel
(Washington Post) reported in August 2010 that Manning had
been charged -- "two charges under the Uniform Code of Military Justice. The
first encompasses four counts of violating Army regulations by transferring
classified information to his personal computer between November and May and
adding unauthorized software to a classified computer system. The second
comprises eight counts of violating federal laws governing the handling of
classified information." In March, 2011,
David S. Cloud
(Los Angeles Times) reported
that the military has added 22 additional counts to the charges including one
that could be seen as "aiding the enemy" which could result in the death penalty
if convicted. The Article 32 hearing took place in December. At the start of
this year, there was an Article 32 hearing and, February 3rd, it was announced
that the government would be moving forward with a court-martial. Bradley has
yet to enter a plea. The court-martial was supposed to begin before the November 2012 election but it was
postponed until after the election so that Barack wouldn't have to run on a
record of his actual actions.
Independent.ie adds, "A court martial is set to be held in June at Ford Meade in Maryland,
with supporters treating him as a hero, but opponents describing him as a
traitor."
Free Speech Radio News' Dorian Merina spoke with journalist
Kevin Gosztola about today's events:
Dorian Merina: So what exactly did Bradley Manning plead guilty to today?
Kevin
Gosztola: He was pleading to elements of the original charges. It's
easier to say what he didn't plead guilty to committing. He didn't
plead guilty to aiding the enemy, to violating the espionage act, to
violating The Computer Fraud and Abuse act, or to committing violations
of a federal larceny statute. So he didn't say that he was stealing or
that he'd committed a theft when he [had] the information and it became
information he had in his position. So, uh, what that leads is pleading
to the possession of the information, pleading to giving it to an
unauthorized person -- someone who wasn't authorized to receive the
information and then engaging in conduct that would be service
discrediting the military.Brendan Trembath (Australia's ABC -- link is video and text) picks up there.
Brendan
Trembath: He pleaded guilty to ten of the lesser charges of misusing
confidential information. That information included diplomatic cables,
it included combat videos -- all sorts of material that the United
States wanted to keep private. He has admitted to these lesser charges
but what he hasn't admitted to is the most serious charge of aiding the
enemy. That charge carries a life sentence.Different reporters emphasize different things.
Speaking to The World's Marco Werman (PRI) today, Arun Rath brought up some important points others left out.
Arun
Rath: It was actually a 35-page written statement that he had worked
on. It took him over and hour to read and, honestly, it's going to be a
while that we'll be digesting all of this. But mainly he talked about
the reasons why he did what he did. He admitted to leaking information
to WikiLeaks. He talked about his time in Iraq and how he grew more and
more disturbed over time with what he saw in Iraq, what he considered
to be abuses. He said the US became obsessed with killing and capturing
people rather than cooperating. He complained to his superiors and he
said that they did nothing. And most interestingly he said that he
actually took some of this information both to the Washington Post and the New York Times and was essentially ignored. That's why he went to WikiLeaks.For England's Channel 4 News, Matt Frei reports (link is video):
Matt
Frei: He also told us that he had tried to contact the New York Times
and the Washington Post and Politico here in Washington first before
going to Julian Assange and WikiLeaks. Now he left a recorded message
on the answering machine of the New York Times ombudsman [public editor
-- they don't have an ombudsperson at the Times and resisted that title
when they created the position], their kind of editorial watchdog. He
talked to a junior reporter at the Washington Post who didn't return
his call and he never got to see Politico because the weather was too
bad. Had he done any of those three, just imagine how different history
would be because they would have presumably leaked some of those
documents but they would have filtered them first, they would have
protected their source Bradley Manning and this would have indeed become
a debate about America's foreign policy and military policy which is
what Bradley Manning said he always wanted.A few things on Frei's remarks. There is no ombudsperson at the
New York Times.
When the post of public editor was created, the ombudsperson title was
rejected. In addition, it's not just a title that a paper can bestow.
To be an ombudsperson, you're supposed to belong to
The Organization of News Ombudsmen.
Second, if "he talked to a junior reporter at the Washington Post who
didn't return his call" then he did not talk to a reporter, he left a
message for a reporter. Third of all, Julian Assange can be faulted for
some things to do with WikiLeaks. He cannot be faulted with regards to
protecting Bradley Manning. Check his statements from the start. He
has stated he did not know who the source was. Julian Assange did not
give up Bradley Manning. Adrian Llamo snitched and got a little pay day
from the government for doing so. Presumably, had Bradley gone to the
other outlets, he still would have found himself needing to talk by chat
room and still mistaken con artist Adrian Llamo for someone who could
be trusted.
Andrew Beaujon (Poynter) notes that the
New York Times'
spokesperson Eileen Murphy as has the then-public editor Clark Hoyt. I
can't speak to the public editor issue but on his attempt to contact
anyone else at the
Times? Eileen Murphy has not had time -- nor
has the paper -- to have certainty behind the claim that no one knows
anything of such contact at the paper. During the early days of the Go
Go Green Zone, a
New York Times reporter was contacted by an
enlisted American soldier with a serious story that the Go-Go Boy in the
Green Zone deemed too hot. I know of that because the soldier then
contacted this site. I wrote about that here shortly after the scandal
broke. He wrote this site and I teamed him with a reporter I knew who
was more than happy to have the story. When I go after someone here,
it's usually for several reasons and that 'reporter' then with the
Times
is someone we will never stop ridiculing for many, many reasons
including his running from a 100% real journalism scoop because he
didn't want to upset his friends in the US military brass. So if
Bradley says he contacted any reporter at the paper, I believe him
because of what happened before when a reporter was presented with a
story, with supporting evidence and not just verbal hearsay, and the
NYT
scribe said that it was "too hot to handle" and would get him in
trouble with certain US military officers so he was passing on the
article. For anyone who says I wasn't present for that conversation, I
wasn't. The soldier who contacted this site supplied the e-mails back
and for to the
NYT reporter. Again, I can't speak to the public
editor, but if Bradley tried to contact a reporter at the paper, I can
easily see him being blown off. Actually, I can speak to the public
editor. I knew Daniel Okrent had an assistant but I really haven't
followed any of the public editor's since. (Daniel Okrent was the
paper's first public editor and any mea culpa from the paper on their
Iraq 'reporting' resulted from the work Okrent did in his public editor
columns.) I just got off the phone with a friend who's an editor at the
New York Times. Hoyt's public remarks are he doesn't remember
speaking to Bradley. Hoyt has not stated his assistant didn't. I was
told over the phone (over the other phone, I'm dictating the snapshot in
one cell phone) that Hoyt's assistant was Mike McElroy. McElroy could
have spoken to Bradley or heard a message Bradley left.
Politico? Bad weather is probably the best excuse for that rag. As for the
Washington Post.
There were many stories today. What did the paper focus on? Something
important and news worthy? No, they let their bloggers play with their
own feces publicly at the website. Until mid-day when finally the
adults stepped in and told the 'reporters' to stop filing pieces
attacking Bob Woodward. (Late to the party on Woodward?
Click here and click
here for Marcia.)
If you were one of those monkey bloggers, let me tell you right now,
it's not over and you should be on your best behavior because your work
is now being seriously monitored by adults way up above you in the chain
of command -- as it should be. So clearly, a "junior reporter" at the
Post
doesn't necessarily know news the way a Dana Priest, an Ann Scott
Tyson, an Ernesto Londono or, yes, a Bob Woodward would know news. Erik
Wemple made clear that he does not know news. First with his bitchy
attack on Bob Woodward earlier today and then with
his 'report' late this afternoon
which we'll link to because it's so damn awful and so damn stupid.
First off, he worked the phones . . . to call the Times. Golly, Erik, I
just made one call to the
Times, to a friend and I got Mike
McElroy's name, the fact that Mike could have spoken to Bradley or heard
the message. These are details that you, a supposed professional
journalist missed. You also 'forgot' to speak to anyone at your paper
to see about Bradley's call to the
Post. Then again, I understand a lot of people at the
Washington Post don't want to speak to you -- and I understand why they don't -- I
really, really understand why they don't. Keep writing crap like the 'report' we're linking to and,
Erik, you'll be gone from the paper before the year's up. With regards to your earlier attack on Bob Woodward, tell me, Erik, what I just put in bold, was it a threat?
[Oh, look, Erik,
Julie Tate and Ernesto Londono manage to do the job you failed at, "Staying with an aunt in the Washington area as a blizzard blanketed the
region, Manning said he called The Post, seeking a journalist willing to
examine documents detailing security incidents in Iraq. He said he
spoke to a female reporter who didn’t seem to take him seriously."]
It appears only one US outlet is emphasizing a very important and news worthy aspect.
Ben Nuckols (AP) quotes Bradley telling the military court:
I
felt we were risking so much for people who seemed unwilling to
cooperate with us, leading to frustration and hatred on both sides. I
began to become depressed at the situation we found ourselves
mired in year after year. In attempting counterinsurgency operations, we
became obsessed with capturing and killing human targets on lists. I
wanted the public to know that not everyone living in Iraq were targets
to be neutralized.
It's amazing how only
AP has that aspect of the story among US outlets --
Ed Pilkington reports the remarks for England's Guardian newspaper.
It's probably the most important part. The weakest report from a name
outlet was going to be compared and contrasted but a friend with ABC
News just told me that the editor of that paper wrote a thoughtful piece
on the attacks on Bob Woodward. As a result, a really bad reporter
gets a pass from me today.
David Martin (CBS Evening News -- link is text and video) notes,
"Depressed and frustrated by the wars, he used his job as a low-ranking
intelligence analyst in Baghdad to download onto a CD hundreds of
thousands of classified documents -- pus a few videos, like this
helicopter gunship attack that killed two journalists in Iraq --
which he found 'troubling' because it showed 'delightful bloodlust'."
CNN's Larry Shaughnessy and Mark Morgenstein (CNN) report:
After Manning's guilty
pleas, Army judge Col. Denise Lind asked the defendant questions to
establish that he understood what he was pleading guilty to.
In addition, she
reminded him that his lawyer had filed a motion to have the case
dismissed on the grounds that he was denied his right to a speedy trial
-- a motion that Lind denied Tuesday. By entering guilty pleas, Manning
loses his right to have an appellate court consider that ruling, if he
chooses to appeal.
So today, a little more about Bradley Manning is known. As
Janet Reitman (Rolling Stone) observes:
For the past two and a half years, Bradley Manning, the soldier accused
of giving hundreds of thousands of classified documents to Wikileaks,
has been the quiet enigma at heart of the largest and most contentious
intelligence leak case in American history. As I write in "The Trials of
Bradley Manning," my story for the latest issue of Rolling Stone,
this silence – imposed by a lengthy pretrial detention that included
nearly a year spent in "administrative segregation," the military
equivalent of solitary confinement – made it possible for a legion of
interested parties on both sides of the political spectrum to graft
their own identities and motivations onto Bradley Manning. They have
portrayed him variously as a hero, a traitor, an emotionally-troubled
misfit and a victim of prison abuse.
And maybe, if people pay attention, a little more is know about US policy. Counter-insurgency. Again, Bradley's remarks:
I felt we were risking so much for people who seemed
unwilling to
cooperate with us, leading to frustration and hatred on both sides. I
began to become depressed at the situation we found ourselves
mired in year after year. In attempting counterinsurgency operations, we
became obsessed with capturing and killing human targets on lists. I
wanted the public to know that not everyone living in Iraq were targets
to be neutralized.
Counter-insurgency is war on a native
people. It's an attempt to trick them, to deceive them, to harm them in
order to 'pacify' them.
James Dobbins wrote a ridiculous piece for the Council on Foreign Relations' Foreign Affairs magazine where he lamented counter-insurgency falling out of favor during Vietnam:
The dominant lesson drawn from this costly and ultimately futile war was to avoid
similar missions in the future. As a result, counterinsurgency was eliminated
from the curriculum of American staff and war colleges. When faced with a
violent insurgency in Iraq three decades later, U.S. soldiers had to reacquire
the basic skills to fight it. During the several years it took them to do so,
the country descended into ever deeper civil war.
As American commanders
relearned in Iraq, counterinsurgency demands a more discreet and controlled
application of force, a more politically directed strategy, greater knowledge of
the society one is operating in, and more interaction with the local civilian
population than conventional combat. Perhaps the most essential distinction
between the two forms of warfare is that successful counterinsurgency focuses
less on killing the insurgents and more on protecting the population from
insurgent violence and intimidation.
There is a legitimate debate over
how deeply the U.S. military should invest in counterinsurgency capability at
the expense of conventional capacity. But no one seriously argues that
counterinsurgency tactics are not necessary to resist insurgencies.That's
so inaccurate but do we expect accuracy from Dobbins? He served under
George H.W. Bush which means he knows all about lying.
Counter-insurgency in Vietnam included such 'wonders' as: To save the
village, we had to burn the village. In Vietnam, they were a little
more open about what took place and that was kill the ones you think are
seen as leaders to get the native population to fall in line. In
addition, it fell out of favor because of all the War Crimes -- all the
indiscriminate killing, the rapes, you name it.
Dobbins claims
that counter-insurgency was needed in Iraq. Then why was it developed
before the war? If commanders 'relearned' the importance of this War
Crime technique, then who 'knew' to include it before the war started?
"A
more discreet and controlled application of force" is a polite way for
saying "targeted killings." In addition, Iraq and Afghanistan saw new
War Criminals. Anthropologists willing to betray the teachings and
ethics of their profession agreed to act as spies and snitches on native
populations. They carried guns and they lied. They did not identify
themselves as anthropologists. They're supposed to practice informed
consent. That means, if I'm an anthropologist and I'm studying your
culture, I tell you what I am and I tell you I have some questions and
ask you if you'd like to answer. You're free not to. But there are no
ethics for War Criminals. So you had them in military garb, carrying
guns, going door to door with the US military, leading native
populations to believe these foreigners with guns were military and had
to be answered. If they'd known they didn't have to answer, they might
have rightly told these Montgomery McFates and others losers, "F**k off"
-- and then slammed the door in their faces.
But the US military knew that as well which is why informed consent wasn't practiced.
They
forced their way into the lives of a native population, they acted as
spies and informers -- for a foreign force that wanted to dominate the
country. That's not anthropology, that's not social science. That's a
betrayal of everything the social sciences are supposed to stand for.
As Elaine pointed out Tuesday night, "Counter-insurgency needs to be loudly condemned. I fully support
stripping people of professional accreditation if they use their
academic training to trick or deceive native populations. The social
sciences are supposed to be scientific and professional. They are not
supposed to be used to harm people."
Serena Golden (Inside Higher Ed) reports on the resignation from the National Academy of Sciences by "eminent University of Chicago anthropologist Marshall Sahli:
Sahlins further noted his objection to several recently announced collaborations between
the NAS and the U.S. military. One of the projects involves "measuring
human capabilities" and "the combination of individual capabilities to
create collective capacity to perform"; another seeks to study "the
social and organizational factors that present external influences on
the behavior of individuals operating within the context of military
environments." Both have the stated goal of utilizing social science
research "to inform U.S. military personnel policies and practices."
Because of "the toll that military has taken on the blood, treasure,
and happiness of American people, and the suffering it has imposed on
other peoples," Sahlins said, "the NAS, if it involves itself at all in
related research, should be studying how to promote peace, not how to
make war."
Sahlins' resignation highlights two serious and ongoing debates within anthropology: one, the appropriate relationship -- if any -- between anthropologists and the military (Sahlins has previously expressed his opposition to any such involvement); two, the role of hard science within the discipline.
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