Monday, March 30, 2009


Cindy Sheehan's radio show, Cindy's Soapboxcontinues on the internet and she interviewed Ray McGovern last week as Barack prepared to make his "Same Way To Quagmire" speech on Friday.  In the portion we're going to note here, Cindy's bringing up the 'surge' in Iraq.
Cindy Sheehan: The surge that I believe began in the beginning of 2007.
Ray McGovern: Correct.
Cindy Sheehan: Because I think at the end of 2006, I was arrested in Crawford, Texas trying to -- they were having some kind of meeting between -- it was Cheney and Bush and Rumsfeld and Condoleezza Rice and, you know, all the major War Criminals of the Bush administration were up at the ranch so I think there were about five of us who got arrested trying to cross the barriers and you've been to Crawford so you know what I'm talking about.
Ray McGovern: Mm-hm.
Cindy Sheehan: The barriers to go to the ranch.  So we were arrested protesting the 'surge' because we could see the surge was going to be a nightmare.  And no matter how much Obama says the surge was successful.  Or Cheney, or Rums -- or Gates, Rumsfeld's out of the picture.  I don't even know where he is anymore.  However much they say the 'surge' was successful, there was a high price and it's not so successful if you know what really happened, was it?
Ray McGovern: No, it's true, Cindy, most people don't realize that 1,000, at least 1,000, young men and women from our armed forces are dead now --
Cindy Sheehan: Mm-hm.
Ray McGovern: -- dead.  And you know what that means, better than anybody else.
Cindy Sheehan: Yeah.
Ray McGovern: And thousands wounded.  Not to mention Iraqis. I mean, Iraqis, last time I checked the Bible, I looked it up.  Iraqis are human beings too.  Would you believe it?
Cindy Sheehan: Really?
Ray McGovern: Yeah, they really are.
Cindy Sheehan: Oh.  Wow.
Ray McGovern: So we have to cout them too.

Cindy Sheehan: But we don't count them.  We can only estimate how many Iraqis have been killed.
Ray McGovern: That's right.  They don't count.  Well that was the attitude.  And what we saw with the 'surge' was really bizarre, Cindy.  If you think back to the end of 2006, what was clear is that the Iraqi political figures were not taking seriously their duty to get their act together.
Cindy Sheehan: Right.
Ray McGovern: No matter what we said, they always knew -- well Bush promised them, 'We'll never leave you,' right?  That's because he never wanted to leave them, okay?  What was happening was the place was falling apart.  And General [John] Abizaid and General Casey -- Abizaid being the head of CENTCOM, Casey being the head of the troops there in Iraq -- came back and testified in September before the Senate Armed Services Committee.  And what they said was this, "Thank's very much but please -- please -- don't send any more troops. The last thing we need is more troops.  Why?  Because if we send more troops, those Iraqis will never, never think they have to get their act together. We don't need more troops.  What we need is for them to get some religion here.  Work out their differences so we can leave, okay?"
Cindy Sheehan: Mm-hm.
Ray McGoven: Now that's what everyone was saying.  That's what the Hamilton . . .
Cindy Sheehan: Baker-Hamiliton report.
Ray McGovern: . . Baker-Hamilton report said.  Everybody in their right mind, everybody sane here, which is usually not too many people but most people in Washington were saying we have to acknowledge that.  So what did Bush do?  Well he talked to Cheney and Dick said, "Well now, Mr. President, you want to lose a war on your watch?  You want to tuck tale and go home to Texas and have the whole thing fold in on you?  No, we have to -- we have to reinforce, can't listen to these other folks."  And so they ginned up some folks at the American Enterprise Institute and a general named Keane and they whipped up this little plan to put in 30,000 troops.  30,000 troops in and around Baghdad. With formal screens, so that the Shia could ethnically cleanse Baghdad.
Cindy Sheehan: Right.
Ray McGovern: Now that's, that's big, you know?
Cindy Sheehan: Right.
Ray McGovern: Baghdad used to be equal Sunni - Shia.  What these guys did under the protection of US forces -- and often with the help of US forces -- drive the Sunnis out of Baghdad, we're talking millions of people, Cindy.
Cindy Sheehan: Oh, I know.  I've been to -- I haven't been to Iraq yet but I've been to Iman, Jordan speaking with the people who were forced out if they were lucky to escape with their lives and if they were lucky to escape the country but, as you know, there are millions of refugees in and outside of Iraq right now.
Ray McGovern: Yes, some four-and-half million folks out of 27 million when the war began
Cindy Sheehan: Mm-hm.
Ray McGovern: So what you have here is a really great success We calmed down Baghdad, partly by driving the Sunni out, and also by building the kind of wall you used to see in Berlin that now we see in the West Bank and also on our southern border, I have to say, having recently been in southern Texas.  You know that kind of wall's a really great thing to bring people together, right?  Well it seperated what was left of the Sunni and actually divided that whole city so that was really great, that's really great, if you like walls and if you like ethnic cleansing.  And then of course we gave Petreaus a whole bunch of money and he gave it out to the Sunnis. "Here, we'll give you $300 a month, just don't fire in our direction."
Cindy Sheehan: Ten dollars a day.  They were giving, I think it was estimated about 80,000 people, ten dollars a day to not attack the US.
Ray McGovern: So now of course that dole is run out and what happens to the Sunni now?  Well, we'll just have to see.
Yes, we will have to see and we may be seeing it.  Over the weekend, the "Awakening" Council members/Sahwa/Sons of Iraq were in the news.  It started with arrests and ended with gun battles.  Along the way the nominee for US Ambassador to Iraq Chris Hill had his testimony to Congress last week (see Wednesday and Thursday's snapshots) again punked. Laith Hammoudi (McClatchy Newspapers) explained Saturday, "16 people were injured (seven Sahwa members, four Iraqi soldiers and four civilians) after clashes broke out between the Iraqi army and Sahwa members in Fadhil neighborhood in downtown Baghdad around 2 p.m. The clashes broke out during an operation of the Iraqi army to arrest the leader of Fadhil Sahwa and one of his deputies. Five Iraqi soldiers were kidnapped in the incident."  McClatchy's Leila Fadel added Adel Mashhadani was the arrest target and that the arrest of him (as well as an assistant) "heightened fears among Sunnis that the Iraqi government plans to divide and disband the movements now that its taken control of all but a few thousands of the 94,000 members across the country."  Now let's pause a moment.  The point of opening with Cindy Sheehan and Ray McGovern's discussion is they're talking about the way Nouri al-Maliki, puppet of the occupation, eradicated the Sunni presence from Baghdad.  So when discussing why "Awakenings" might be leery, why they might not trust al-Maliki, that 'rezoning' plays a big part in it.  As does the fact that al-Maliki staffed his ministries with Shi'ite thugs and allowed them to attack Sunnis without any fears of reprimands, let alone reprisals.  Nouri's been very clear in his distaste for Sunni thugs -- Shi'ite ones he loves -- which is why US Senator Barbara Boxer was able to reference European press interviews al-Maliki gave stating that the bulk of the "Awakenings" would not be brought into his government.  With that and more in mind, Alissa J. Rubin and Rod Nordland (New York Times) quote the spokesperson for Fadhil "Awakening" Council, Abu Mirna, stating Saturday as fighting was ongoing, "American forces have broken the alliance with us by arresting our leader.  Now there are clashes in the area between the Americans and Awakening fighters and you can hear shooting. It's chaos."  There were reports of 5 Iraqi soldiers being captured in the battle and held hostage. 
"The reason it's significant," McClatchy's Leila Fadel told Real News Network, "is that it's one of a series of detentions of top leaders of the Sons of Iraq -- in Iraq, across the country.  Specifically in Diyala [Province] and Baghdad.  And this program, the Sons of Iraq, which is really part of the reason the US military can claim what they call success now with the lower levels of violence because these guys either turned on al Qaeda [in Mesopotamia] or stopped shooting and are on US payroll and now they're being transferred to Iraqi government control.  And with that control, it seems that they are trying to weaken these groups and some of that can lead to violence as Fadhil clearly showed over the weekend."    
Real News Network's Paul Jay: So they're targeting some of the leaders of these groups at the same time that they are incorporating some of the ordinary members or are they actually targeting the whole organizations?
Leila Fadel: Well the --
Paul Jay: "They" being the Iraqi government.
Leila Fadel: Right.  The transfer of authority started in October of last year.  Where the US military said "Here are these 100,000 guys who we've been paying $300 a month and who have been in their streets, in their neighborhoods secure them.  Now you take them." The [Iraqi] government has always said, "We believe most of these guys are former insurgents.  We don't trust them. We don't want them. We won't give them amnesty.  And so finally the government said "Give them to us, we want to take them."  So now the authority technically is the Iraqi government -- in most of Iraq, not all of them have been transferred Salahuddin [Province] I think has still not transferred.  And during that time and right before that, when I say "target," they've gone after them with arrest warrants on accusations of crimes they've committed but the Sons of Iraq themselves are saying they feel targeted, they feel that the leaders who stood up and took a risk and went against the people that were destroying their neighborhoods and also maybe turned on, or changed their minds about things of the past, where they would attack US forces or government forces as their enemy are now being betrayed and being arrested for those crimes of the past.
And it continued on Sunday.   Ned Parker and Caesar Ahmed (Los Angeles Times) explain Raad Ali arrest became public (arrested five days prior): "Ali, a former insurgent, had a close working relationship with the Americans, shared a military base with them, and said he had briefed visiting U.S. diplomats from Afghanistan about the Sons of Iraq movement. Ali spoke regularly about the need for Sunnis to enter the political mainstream and leave behind their insurgency."  Sudarsan Raghavan and Anthony Shadid (Washington Post) report, "On Sunday, Iraqi soldiers backed by U.S. combat helicopters and American troops swept into a central Baghdad neighborhood, arresting U.S.-backed Sunni fighters in an effort to clamp down on a two-day uprising that challenged the Iraqi government's authority and its effort to pacify the capital."    Waleed Ibrahim, Wisam Mohammed, Aseel Kami, Abdulrahman Taher, Thaier al-Sudani, Tim Cocks, Michael Christie and Jon Boyle (Reuters) add, "A Reuters Television cameraman saw U.S. military vehicles alongside Iraqi army ones using loudspeakers to warn the fighters in Arabic to put down their weapons, while U.S. military helicopters hovered overhead." Leila Fadel reported Sunday that "Awakenings" had handed "over 10 Iraqi soldiers they'd been holding" after they surrendered "and gav eup their weapons" and that this came after Iraq's "Army sealed off the district, and [US] helicopters circled in the air".
Fadel explains to the Real News Network that "Awakenings" feel betrayed because the US military gave or "Awakenings" thought they were given amnesty but that the US military could only give amnesty for attacks on the US, not attacks on Iraqis. Note that the term "amnesty" was used (this is me, not Leila) by the US military in recruiting "Awakenings."  It caused some rumbles on the internet play left side of the world (Arianna Huffington was a huffing back then about it).  Clearly, had the "Awakenings" known that the "amnesty" was limited, they wouldn't have gone along.  What would be the point?  Help pacify/terrorize the country and then when Nouri no longer needs them, he can pick them off?  If they had known that the amnesty did not apply across the board, they would not have gone along because the reason they were armed and against the puppet government in the first place was they didn't trust the puppet government (or the puppet). 
The US started the "Awakening" Council "movement" by putting Sunni thugs on the payroll (having already installed Shi'ite thugs into the puppet government) because, as Gen David Petraeus and US Ambassador to Iraq Ryan Crocker repeatedly explained to Congress last April, paying them off meant they wouldn't attack US forces. When paid by US forces, they had many "duties" but primarily they were stationed at checkpoints where they controlled who passed and who didn't. In January and February, some still waiting to be absorbed felt the checkpoints were their responsiblity. What happens now that they feel under attack? What happens as the word gets out that al-Maliki hasn't paid a large number in months and that word is on top of the arrests and targeting of them in Baghdad? As Sinan Salaheddin (AP) explains, "How the Shiite-led government deals with the Sunni security volunteers is widely seen as a test of its ability to win the loyalty of disaffected Sunnis _ an essential step in forging a lasting peace in Iraq." The arrest on Saturday is said to be because of "Baathism" and that's the charge whenever al-Maliki wants to haul someone away: they're a Baathist, they're plotting to overthrow him, they're an enemy of the state, etc.
al-Maliki's last big claim of "Baathist conspiracy" exploded in his face. If this one does, he'll not only have the "Awakenings" to answer to, he'll also have an international community beginning to tire of his repeatedly playing "they're plotting against me!" Interestingly, the US military's statement doesn't mention any Baathist charge but does toss out their own constant cry of "al Qaeda in Iraq!": "Mashadani was arrested under a warrant issued by the Iraqi government. He is suspected of illegally searching, detaining and extorting bribes in excess of $160,000 a month from the citizens of Fahdil, improvised explosive device (IED) attacks that killed Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), leading an IED cell, leading an indirect fire cell, ties to Al-Qaeda in Iraq, and collusion with the terrorist network Jaysh al Islami." Al Jazeera quotes al-Maliki's military spokesperson stating, "We also have information that Mashhadani heads the military branch in Fadel of the [banned] Baath party [of Saddam Hussein, the executed former Iraqi president]."  Ned Parker and Caesar Ahmed also note the Baathist assertion: "The government accused Mashadani of running a secret wing of Saddam Hussein's Baath Party, and his supporters of abusing their power."
For those who forgot, Barack's "best and brightest" (and hopefully not another tax cheat) nominee for US Ambassador to Iraq, Chris Hill, told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last week a lot of fairy tales including that they're all now under Nouri's control -- no, some have been turned over; that they've been abosrbed into the Iraqi forces by Nouri and this weekend proves that's not true plus only 5% have been employed by the government at present; and that Nouri's grabbed the responsibility of paying them from the Americans (US tax payers paid the March salaries for a huge chunk of "Awakenings") and is now on top of the payroll.  On top of the payroll?  AP reported Saturday that "leaders of several Awakening Council groups complained the government has not paid them in months, with some threatening to quit a movement." Complaints came from "Awakenings" in Baghdad, Diyala Province and Azamiyah -- Diyala "Awakenings" said they hadn't been paid in three months.
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