BULLY BOY PRESS & CEDRIC'S BIG MIX -- THE KOOL AID TABLE
SHE'S NO ONE'S ABUELA BUT SHE'S EVERYONE'S DRUNK UNCLE.
CRANKY CLINTON HAS DEMONSTRATED SHE WILL SAY ANYTHING -- JUST LIKE YOUR BOOZED UP UNCLE THIS HOLIDAY WEEKEND.
SECOND, SHE'S AN EMBARRASSING PIG WHO NEVER REALIZES IT THOUGH EVERYONE AROUND HER DOES.
THIRD, SHE SMELLS A LOT LIKE HER OWN SICK.
FROM THE TCI WIRE:
What I'm trying to say is
It's time
To get in the way
It's crazy
That this thing is still going on
I can't believe
This thing's still going on
And it goes
Na na na na na na
I hate the war
Na na na na na na
I hate the war
Na na na na na na
I hate the war
-- "I Hate The War" (written by Greg Goldberg, on The Ballet's Mattachine!)
This morning on CNN, reciter Barbara Starr made an ass out of herself with a recitation of factoids about Iraq which included 500 Islamic State fighters were thought to be holed up in Ramadi and that Haider al-Abadi, prime minister of Iraq, had amassed 10,000 troops to take them on as the Iraqi forces finally may be about to enter Ramadi (the last five months have been non-stop failure for them in this mission). [In a report on CNN in the afternoon, she dropped the number of Islamic State fighters in Ramadi to 350.] She failed to note how ridiculous the odds yet again were -- 20 Iraqi forces for ever Islamic State member and though she was eager to note that there was resistance in Iraq to US forces, she failed to pin down where that resistance comes from.
Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi has signaled to the US government
that he himself is willing to have US forces on the ground in combat.
He's also said this would be a hard sell.
Why?
Kurds?
Are the Kurds wanting the US out of Iraq?
Nope.
Okay, then the Sunnis?
Nope.
The Sunnis have been wanting more US involvement for years now.
The why of that goes to the hard sell.
Sunnis have argued more US involvement could end the persecution of the Sunnis.
Persecution by whom?
Hard line, radical Shi'ites.
Such as the one who leads the Bard terrorists -- popularly referred to as the Badr militia or Badr brigade.
(And let's all pretend we've never heard of the Badr brigade's death squads.)
I don't want US troops on the ground in Iraq.
And reasons for that desire include that this is Iraq's battle and the US government needs to stay out of it (and stop propping up the figure head government that they have imposed).
But Shi'ites like Bard terrorist leader Hadi al-Amiri don't want US forces on the ground for a different reason.
Their actions in 'liberated' areas have been destructive -- to put it mildly.
They have carried out attacks on Sunni civilians in the name of 'revenge' (the Islamic State is a Sunni organization). They have burned Sunni homes, they have looted.
And they have killed for sport.
Why?
Kurds?
Are the Kurds wanting the US out of Iraq?
Nope.
Okay, then the Sunnis?
Nope.
The Sunnis have been wanting more US involvement for years now.
The why of that goes to the hard sell.
Sunnis have argued more US involvement could end the persecution of the Sunnis.
Persecution by whom?
Hard line, radical Shi'ites.
Such as the one who leads the Bard terrorists -- popularly referred to as the Badr militia or Badr brigade.
(And let's all pretend we've never heard of the Badr brigade's death squads.)
I don't want US troops on the ground in Iraq.
And reasons for that desire include that this is Iraq's battle and the US government needs to stay out of it (and stop propping up the figure head government that they have imposed).
But Shi'ites like Bard terrorist leader Hadi al-Amiri don't want US forces on the ground for a different reason.
Their actions in 'liberated' areas have been destructive -- to put it mildly.
They have carried out attacks on Sunni civilians in the name of 'revenge' (the Islamic State is a Sunni organization). They have burned Sunni homes, they have looted.
And they have killed for sport.
Badr—founded in the 1980s in Iran, its
continued supporter—is not only the most important of the various armed
groups composing the Popular Mobilization Forces (Hashd). It also
symbolizes how Iraqis’ hopes for a democratic country governed by the
rule of law have given way to a political system that is expressly
sectarian and increasingly resembles a garrison state. No other
militia-political party was better prepared to capitalize on the
collapse of Iraqi security forces in northern Iraq last June. Badr’s
military commander, Ameri—who tried and failed to get an appointment as
minister of defense or interior, in part due to U.S. opposition—has been
transportation minister since Maliki’s second cabinet and is now a
parliamentarian. Under the new government of Haider al-Abadi, Ameri was
able to get a member of his party, Mohammed Salem al-Ghabban, confirmed
as interior minister. Prior to leaving office, Maliki had made Ameri the
military governor of Diyala—an informal appointment usually described
euphemistically as al-masuul al-amani (the security official)—which he remains to this day.
Ameri, now on leave from parliament, has captured far more renown in his militia commander role than he ever did as a cabinet minister. In October 2014, Ameri was often described as the “leader” of the militia-led offensive to subdue Jurf al-Sakhr, a mostly Sunni area south of Baghdad, and consolidate Shia control around the capital. By February 2015 Badr had secured Diyala, whose narrow Sunni Arab majority is nestled between Baghdad and Iran. Badr and other militias sustained criticism that they were engaging in retribution attacks and attempting to cleanse the Sunni population from these areas. But the ministry of human rights—also held by a Badrist, Mohammed Mahdi al-Bayati—sent a senior official to speak at Badr’s February 16 celebration of their victory in Diyala and defend the conduct of the Badr-led Hashd.
Ameri’s military preeminence continued in March with the launch of the operation to liberate Tikrit and northern Salahuddin. Iran, through Badr, initially played more of a role in the offensive than Iraqi leaders did, and photos of the infamous Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani sometimes appeared alongside Ameri himself, dominating media coverage. Yet the militia-led offensive was forced to step back from Tikrit to let the U.S.-led international coalition conduct airstrikes against dug-in jihadis, allowing the formal security services—army and federal police—to lead the liberation of the city. Although Prime Minister Abadi initially held back the militias in Anbar out of fear of sectarian conflict, he gave way after the security forces defending the provincial capital of Ramadi collapsed on May 17. Ameri promptly took the lead as “field commander” of the new Anbar offensive, only to decide in early June—apparently entirely on his own—to shift focus to Fallujah, which lies between Ramadi and Baghdad.
Ameri, now on leave from parliament, has captured far more renown in his militia commander role than he ever did as a cabinet minister. In October 2014, Ameri was often described as the “leader” of the militia-led offensive to subdue Jurf al-Sakhr, a mostly Sunni area south of Baghdad, and consolidate Shia control around the capital. By February 2015 Badr had secured Diyala, whose narrow Sunni Arab majority is nestled between Baghdad and Iran. Badr and other militias sustained criticism that they were engaging in retribution attacks and attempting to cleanse the Sunni population from these areas. But the ministry of human rights—also held by a Badrist, Mohammed Mahdi al-Bayati—sent a senior official to speak at Badr’s February 16 celebration of their victory in Diyala and defend the conduct of the Badr-led Hashd.
Ameri’s military preeminence continued in March with the launch of the operation to liberate Tikrit and northern Salahuddin. Iran, through Badr, initially played more of a role in the offensive than Iraqi leaders did, and photos of the infamous Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani sometimes appeared alongside Ameri himself, dominating media coverage. Yet the militia-led offensive was forced to step back from Tikrit to let the U.S.-led international coalition conduct airstrikes against dug-in jihadis, allowing the formal security services—army and federal police—to lead the liberation of the city. Although Prime Minister Abadi initially held back the militias in Anbar out of fear of sectarian conflict, he gave way after the security forces defending the provincial capital of Ramadi collapsed on May 17. Ameri promptly took the lead as “field commander” of the new Anbar offensive, only to decide in early June—apparently entirely on his own—to shift focus to Fallujah, which lies between Ramadi and Baghdad.
The videos of abuse are all over the internet.
Briefly, they were of momentary interest -- remember that?
Briefly, they were of momentary interest -- remember that?
No?
From the March 23rd snapshot:
ABC News aired an important report March 11th and a second one March 12th. March 12's report is transcribed below:
David Muir: Now to new fall out after our ABC investigation last night. It involves the fight against ISIS known for those awful videos, lining up their victims on the beach. And now a new concern. Are some of the Iraqi forces -- trained and paid for by US taxpayers -- using techniques that are just as brutal? Well the State Dept tonight responding to our report and ABC's chief investigative reporter Brian Ross back on the job tonight.
Brian Ross: The State Dept called these scenes today serious and disturbing. Brutal images of what appear to be Iraqi forces and militias carrying out, celebrating, torture and beheadings. In this torture scene, two US weapons against the wall. This video shows two civilians, pleading for their lives, about to be shot dead. A man with an American supplied weapon walks by, a gunman with what appears to be the insignia of Iraqi Special Forces caught on tape.
US State Dept spokesperson Jen Psaki: Their behavior must be above reproach or they risk being painted with the same brush as ISIL fighters.
Brian Ross: The Pentagon says it has already cut off money to some Iraqi units because of gross human rights violations. But Senator Patrick Leahy says the ABC News report shows the government should cut off money to more Iraqi units.
Senator Patrick Leahy: When you look at at the videos and look at the uniforms being worn, do we really want to say the US condones that?
Brian Ross: US officials tonight tell ABC News that America's top military leader Gen Martin Dempsey, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, has repeatedly warned Iraqi leaders about the conduct of the Iraqi military and the militias that fight with them -- especially because the US is sending $1.5 billion to the Iraqi army and almost 3,000 American troops to help train them.
So where was the call for the White House to stop supporting War Crimes?
Where was the call for the White House to stop looking the other way?
Thirteen days ago, ABC News first reported that.
Where was the call for the White House to stop looking the other way?
Thirteen days ago, ABC News first reported that.
ABC News was reporting on them much to the displeasure of the White House -- and then the story was disappeared.
"Reciting Iraq -- don't mistake it for reporting"
"The historic unmentioned"
"Hejira"
"Isakson Highlights 2015 Accomplishments for Vetera..."
"A Scientific Means for Islamic Military Alliance t..."
"Joe Biden, you threw us to the she-wolf!"
"So dishonest"
"Jodie Foster films"
"I don't mind funny"
"That awful Hillary Clinton"
"Sick of TV"
"Sam Seder -- remember the coward?"
"the joke that is bob somerby"
"At least I can own reality"
"Cranky Clinton is a nightmare"
"THIS JUST IN! HE HAS HIS FANTASIES!"
"At least one huge lie a decade from Brock"
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